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John Bates, an activist, recalled:. There were [radical] associations all over the county, but there was a great lack of cohesion.

One wanted the ballot, another manhood suffrage and so on The radicals were without unity of aim and method, and there was but little hope of accomplishing anything.

When, however, the People's Charter was drawn up The movement organised a National Convention in London in early to facilitate the presentation of the first petition.

Delegates used the term MC, Member of Convention, to identify themselves; the convention undoubtedly saw itself as an alternative parliament.

At the Convention, there was talk of a general strike or "sacred month". In the West Riding of Yorkshire and in south Wales , anger went even deeper, and underground preparations for a rising were undoubtedly made.

Several outbreaks of violence ensued, leading to arrests and trials. One of the leaders of the movement, John Frost , on trial for treason, claimed in his defence that he had toured his territory of industrial Wales urging people not to break the law, although he was himself guilty of using language that some might interpret as a call to arms.

Dr William Price of Llantrisant —more of a maverick than a mainstream Chartist—described Frost as putting "a sword in my hand and a rope around my neck".

By early autumn men were being drilled and armed in south Wales, and also in the West Riding. Secret cells were set up, covert meetings were held in the Chartist Caves at Llangynidr and weapons were manufactured as the Chartists armed themselves.

Behind closed doors and in pub back rooms, plans were drawn up for a mass protest. On the night of 3—4 November Frost led several thousand marchers through South Wales to the Westgate Hotel , Newport , Monmouthshire , where there was a confrontation.

It seems that Frost and other local leaders were expecting to seize the town and trigger a national uprising. The result of the Newport Rising was a disaster for Chartism.

The hotel was occupied by armed soldiers. A brief, violent, and bloody battle ensued. Shots were fired by both sides, although most contemporaries agree that the soldiers holding the building had vastly superior firepower.

The Chartists were forced to retreat in disarray: more than twenty were killed, at least another fifty wounded. Testimonies exist from contemporaries, such as the Yorkshire Chartist Ben Wilson, that Newport was to have been the signal for a national uprising.

Despite this significant setback the movement remained remarkably buoyant and remained so until late Whilst the majority of Chartists, under the leadership of Feargus O'Connor , concentrated on petitioning for Frost, Williams and William Jones to be pardoned, significant minorities in Sheffield and Bradford planned their risings in response.

Samuel Holberry led an abortive rising in Sheffield on 12 January, and on 26 January Robert Peddie attempted similar action in Bradford.

In both Sheffield and Bradford spies had kept magistrates aware of the conspirators' plans, and these attempted risings were easily quashed.

Frost and two other Newport leaders, Jones and Williams, were transported. Holberry and Peddie received long prison sentences with hard labour; Holberry died in prison and became a Chartist martyr.

According to Dorothy Thompson, " was the year in which more energy was hurled against the authorities than in any other of the 19th century". In early May , a second petition, of over three million signatures, was submitted, and was yet again rejected by Parliament.

The Northern Star commented on the rejection:. Three and a half million have quietly, orderly, soberly, peaceably but firmly asked of their rulers to do justice; and their rulers have turned a deaf ear to that protest.

Three and a half millions of people have asked permission to detail their wrongs, and enforce their claims for RIGHT, and the 'House' has resolved they should not be heard!

The same class is to be a slave class still. The mark and brand of inferiority are not to be removed. The assumption of inferiority is still to be maintained.

The people are not to be free. The depression of led to a wave of strikes , as workers responded to the wage cuts imposed by employers.

Calls for the implementation of the Charter were soon included alongside demands for the restoration of wages to previous levels.

Working people went on strike in 14 English and 8 Scottish counties, principally in the Midlands , Lancashire , Cheshire , Yorkshire, and the Strathclyde region of Scotland.

Typically, strikers resolved to cease work until wages were increased "until the People's charter becomes the Law of the Land". How far these strikes were directly Chartist in inspiration "was then, as now, a subject of much controversy".

At the time, these disputes were collectively known as the Plug Plot as, in many cases, protesters removed the plugs from steam boilers powering industry to prevent their use.

Amongst historians writing in the 20th century, the term General Strike was increasingly used. The unrest began in the Potteries of Staffordshire in early August, spreading north to Cheshire and Lancashire where at Manchester a meeting of the Chartist national executive endorsed the strikes on the 16th.

The strikes had begun spreading in Scotland and West Yorkshire from the 13th. There were outbreaks of serious violence, including property destruction and the ambushing of police convoys, in the Potteries and the West Riding.

Though the government deployed soldiers to suppress violence, it was the practical problems in sustaining an indefinite stoppage that ultimately defeated the strikers.

The drift back to work began on 19 August. Only Lancashire and Cheshire were still strike-bound by September, the Manchester power loom weavers being the last to return to work on 26 September.

The state hit back. During the late summer of , hundreds were incarcerated; in the Pottery Riots alone, men and women went to prison.

A smaller number, but still amounting to many dozens — such as William Ellis, who was convicted on perjured evidence — were transported.

One protester, Josiah Heapy 19 years old , was shot dead. However, the government's most ambitious prosecution, personally led by the Attorney General, of O'Connor and 57 others including almost all Chartism's national executive failed: none were convicted of the serious charges, and those found guilty of minor offences were never actually sentenced.

Cooper alone of the national Chartist leadership was convicted at a different trial , having spoken at strike meetings in the Potteries.

He was to write a long poem in prison called "The Purgatory of Suicides. Despite this second set of arrests, Chartist activity continued.

Beginning in , O'Connor suggested that the land contained the solution to workers' problems. Workers would buy shares in the company, and the company would use those funds to purchase estates that would be subdivided into 2, 3, and 4 acres 0.

Between and , five estates were purchased, subdivided, and built on, and then settled by lucky shareholders, who were chosen by lot.

Unfortunately for O'Connor, in a Select Committee was appointed by Parliament to investigate the financial viability of the scheme, and it was ordered that it be shut down.

Cottages built by the Chartist Land Company are still standing and inhabited today in Oxfordshire , Worcestershire , Gloucestershire [21] and on the outskirts of London.

Rosedene , a Chartist cottage in Dodford, Worcestershire , is owned and maintained by the National Trust , and is open to visitors by appointment.

Candidates embracing Chartism also stood on numerous occasions in general elections. There were concerted campaigns in the election of and election of , when O'Connor was elected for Nottingham.

O'Connor became the only Chartist to be elected an MP; it was a remarkable victory for the movement. More commonly, Chartist candidates participated in the open meetings, called hustings, that were the first stage of an election.

They frequently won the show of hands at the hustings, but then withdrew from the poll to expose the deeply undemocratic nature of the electoral system.

This is what Harney did in a widely reported challenge against Lord Palmerston in Tiverton , Devon , in The last Chartist challenge at a parliamentary poll took place at Ripon in In February , following the arrival of news of a revolution in Paris , Chartist activity increased.

In March there were protests or bread riots in Manchester, Glasgow, and Dublin, and a new demonstration was announced for 10 April , to be held on Kennington Common , London.

After the meeting, a planned procession would carry a third petition to Parliament. Marches and demonstrations were also planned for April 10 in Manchester and elsewhere.

In anticipation of the announced march, Parliament revived a statute dating to the time of Charles II that forbade more than 10 persons from presenting a petition in person.

That was followed on April 7 by new legislation making certain seditious acts "proposing to make war against the Queen, or seeking to intimidate or overawe both Houses of Parliament" or openly speaking or writing "to that effect" felonies in Great Britain and Ireland, punishable by death or transportation.

O'Connor, seeing that any form of resistance to authorities would be impossible, cancelled the planned procession to Parliament to present the petition.

The meeting was peaceful and finished without incident, after which the petition with its many signatures was sent to Parliament in three cabs accompanied by a small group of Chartist leaders.

Parliament's repressive measures strengthened an already-present impulse to violent resistance. In June there was widespread drilling and arming in the West Riding and the devising of plots in London.

Chartism as an organized movement declined rapidly after Throughout the s, pockets of strong support for Chartism could still be found in places such as the Black Country.

Before the s historians of the movement commonly blamed Chartism's decline on O'Connor's egotism and vanity, [32] but more recent historians notably Dorothy Thompson have tended to see the process as too complex to be attributed to the personality of a single individual.

Ernest Charles Jones became a leading figure in the National Charter Association during its decline, together with George Julian Harney , and helped to give the movement a clearer socialist direction.

Marx and Engels at the same time commented on the Chartist movement and Jones' work in their letters and articles.

During this period, some Christian churches in Britain held "that it was 'wrong for a Christian to meddle in political matters All of the denominations were particularly careful to disavow any political affiliation and he who was the least concerned with the 'affairs of this world' was considered the most saintly and worthy of emulation.

Furthermore, there was no possibility of divorcing it from political science. A man may be devout as a Christian More than 20 Chartist Churches existed in Scotland by Stephens, who was highly influential in the movement.

Political preachers thus came into prominence. Thereafter, Chartism lingered another decade in the provinces, but its appeal as a national mass movement was ended.

With the onset of the relative prosperity of mid-Victorian Britain, popular militancy lost its edge. Many Chartist leaders, however, schooled in the ideological debates of the s, continued to serve popular causes, and the Chartist spirit outlasted the organization.

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